التأثير الديموغرافي والسياسي على المترجم والترجمة

Abo-Salaam

Dr.Alghbban

تاريخ التسجيل: Dec 2007

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التأثير الديموغرافي والسياسي على المترجم والترجمة

07-20-2008, 08:42 PM

النص المطروح امامنا هو" رسالة اهل اليمن-1172" من العلامة اليهودي موسى بن ميمون الى يعقوب الفيومي،الزعيم الديني للطائفة اليهودية في اليمن في عهد الخوارج ايام حكم عبدالنبي عبد المهدي. الجذير بالذكر، ان النص قد تم ترجمته ثلاث مرات خلال فترات زمنية متقاربة على يد ثلاثة مترجمين مشهورين جدا في حقل الترجمة ولكن يختلف كل منهم عن الاخر بلسانه الام وبمكان اقامتة. هدفي من البحث هو الدراسة النظرية لمدى تأثير كل من الجانبين الساسي والديموغرافي على الترجمة والمترجم على حد سواء. اعزائي القراء، اعتذر مقدما عن طرح الموضوع بلغة غير العربية، ولكن هده الدراسة عبارة عن احدى مشاريع الترجمة التي قدمتها اثناء دراستي في ورش الترجمة، في احدى الجامعات الغربية.الشكر لكم مقدما، وارجوا منكم التعليق والنقد من اجل الفائدة العامة. ابو سلام “The Epistle to <country-region w:st="on" /><place w:st="on" />Yemen</place /></country-region />” The literal meaning of the word Messiah in Hebrew is the person who was anointed with oil. However, the concept of the Messiah in Judaism is the king who will redeem and rule <country-region w:st="on" /><place w:st="on" />Israel</place /></country-region /> at the climax of human history. He is the one who will bring salvation to the exiled Jews and return them to their kingdom, the “<place w:st="on" /><placetype w:st="on" />Land</placetype /> of <placename w:st="on" />Israel</placename /></place />.” According to the Encyclopedia Judaica, the Messiah was expected to attain for <country-region w:st="on" />Israel</country-region /> the idyllic blessings of the prophet, defeat the enemies of <country-region w:st="on" /><place w:st="on" />Israel</place /></country-region />, restore the people to the Land, reconcile them with God, and introduce a period of spiritual and physical bliss. He was to be prophet, warrior, judge, king, and teacher of Torah<a title="" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1" href="http://www.wataonline.net/site/modules/newbb/newtopic.php?forum=55#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1">[1]</a>. The messianic idea and the image of the Messiah were discussed in the Bible. The Bible describes the character of the messiah and the circumstances of his appearance; yet the Bible does not give any date or location of his arrival. Many false messianic movements throughout Jewish history resulted from the suffering and the persecution of the Jewish people around the globe. In each of those movements, a religious figure proclaimed himself to be the Messiah and led his people to national revolution; typically ending in a horrible massacre bringing suffering to the Jewish people. One of those false messianic movements occurred in <country-region w:st="on" />Yemen</country-region /> in 1150, when a Shi’ite governor, ‘Abd al-Nabi’ Mahdi persecuted the Jewish community there and gave them three options: conversion to Islam, exile from <country-region w:st="on" /><place w:st="on" />Yemen</place /></country-region />, or death. In response to the governor’s order, the Yemeni Jews were divided into two groups. One group chose to convert and other chose to die rather than choose conversion. Those circumstances led one member of the Jewish community to proclaim that he was the Messiah. Then he became a missionary for Islam and all those Jews who converted believed in him. As a result of their trust, he created a conflict among the Jewish community. The chief rabbi in <place w:st="on" /><country-region w:st="on" />Yemen</country-region /></place /> at that time, Jacob ben Nathanel Al-Fayyumi, wrote a letter to Maimonides seeking his advice and guidance in regard to this dangerous matter. Maimonides is considered by all Jews to be one of the most illustrious figures in Judaism and in the post-Talmudic era, as well as one of the greatest Jewish scholars of all time. In the letter, Al-Fayyumi asked very fundamental questions regarding messianism and Jewish belief. Some of those questions according to Halkin-(1985) were as follows: “What was the significance of the community’s suffering? How should they respond to a convert who had become a missionary for Islam and claimed that the Torah itself confirmed the prophethood of Muhammad? What should they make of the claim of another individual to be the messiah, come to rescue them from their persecutor? Could the date of the messiah’s coming be predicted by astrology?” <a title="" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2" href="http://www.wataonline.net/site/modules/newbb/newtopic.php?forum=55#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2">[2]</a> Maimonides wrote back to Al-Fayyumi answering the questions in one of his famous works, The Epistle to Yemen in 1172. The answer was not meant to be sent only to the Jews of Yemen, but to all the Jews on earth. It carried a warning message for all false messiahs; it also carried a message of courage and hope for all Jews to strengthen their faith. These two facts caused this letter to be translated into many of the languages found in the Jewish diaspora. The source text was written in Judaio-Arabic and then translated into Hebrew by three different Jewish figures. Each one of those translators lived in a different environment; although, their overall translation appeared similar. However, there were some interlineal “micro-level” changes in their interpretation regarding some specific elements in the content of the source text. The first translation was by Samuel Ibn Tibbon, a physician and philosopher, who was born in 1150 in Lunel and died in 1230 in <country-region w:st="on" /><place w:st="on" />France</place /></country-region />. He learned medicine from his father, as well as Arabic and Hebrew literature. He was also a remarkable translator of his time. The influence of Maimonides’ philosophy led him to translate many of his works in science, philosophy, literature and religion. The masterpiece of his works of translation is Maimonides Dalalat al-Hai’rin in 1190. The Epistle to Yemen was translated by Ibn Tibbon in 1210 and published by Ahron Yelenk in (1874) in the Hebrew monthly magazine, The Shahar. The second Translation of The Epistle to Yemen was by Ibraham ben Samuel Ha-Levi, or Abraham Hasdai. He was born in 1230 in <place w:st="on" /><city w:st="on" />Barcelona</city /></place />. According to the Jewish Encyclopedia, “Ibn Hasdia was an industrious translator from Arabic into Hebrew; some Arabic works are known only through his translation. Among his translation are Mizan Al-‘Amal by the famous Arab scholar Ibn Al-Ghazali; and Ketab al-Istiksat by Isaac Israeli; and Sefer ha-Mizwat by Maimonides.” <a title="" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn3" href="http://www.wataonline.net/site/modules/newbb/newtopic.php?forum=55#_ftn3" name="_ftnref3">[3]</a> The third translation from Judaio-Hebrew into Hebrew was by Nahom Ha-Ma’ravi, 1240. Nahom was born in <country-region w:st="on" /><place w:st="on" />Morocco</place /></country-region /> and was known as one of the best translators of his time. His main interest of translation was between Arabic and Hebrew. Among his various translated works are Sefer Ha-ytseah by Isaac the Israeli from Kairouan and The Epistle to Yemen published in (1629). It is amazing that all three translations were completed by three different genius rabbis from the same period in the Middle Ages. Their work was the cornerstone for different translations of The Epistle to Yemen into a variety of languages. However, each one of those three translators used a different method of translation during the process of his work. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to analyze each translation individually and to examine how each translation interprets the source text. A few similar paragraphs from each of the three translations will be selected for comparison with the source text, in order to investigate how differently these translators approached the culture and the linguistic obstacles that they had faced in the process of their work on the source text. Before starting the analysis of these translations, it is important to consider the nature of the source text, and its relation to the target text. The source text was written in Judaio-Arabic using the Hebrew alphabet, with Arabic syntax and semantics as its linguistic foundation. The culture of the source text and the culture of the target text are the same. Additionally, the target audience of the sender and the receiver are also the same. And finally, there are some expressions from Arabic and Aramaic that appear in the source text. The example below will reflect a general point of view on the similarity between the three translators regarding their translations:The source text reads:"אמא מא דכרתהו מן אמר הדא אלקאים1 בארץ אלימן, אלדי גזר שמד על ישראל וגבר כל אלמואצע אלתי קדר עליהא עלי אלכרוג מן אלדין כאלדי פעל אלכנעני2 פי בלאד אלמגרב"The English translation would be: “In regard to what you have mentioned about the leader of <country-region w:st="on" />Yemen</country-region /> who decreed forced apostasy of the Jews, and compelled all the Jewish inhabitants in all the places he had subdued to desert their religion, just as the Berbers had obliged them to do in the <place w:st="on" />Maghreb</place />”1. Ibn Tibbon’s translation reads:"אמנם מה שזכרתו מענין זה המושל1 בארץ תימן, אשר גזר שמד על ישראל והכריח כל אנשי מקומות ממשלתו לצאת מן הדת, כאשר עשה הכמעני2 בארץ המערב"“In regard to what you have mentioned about the leader of <country-region w:st="on" />Yemen</country-region /> who decreed forced apostasy of the Jews, and compelled all the native inhabitants in all the places he had subdued to desert their religion, just as the Berbers had obliged them to do in the <place w:st="on" />Maghreb</place />”2. Ibn Hasdia’s translation reads:"אולם מה שזכרת מענין האיש הזה1 אשר קם בארץ תימן, ואשר גזר שמד על ישראל והכריח על המקומות אשר משל עליהם להוציאם מדתם ואמונתם, כאשר עשה הכנעני2 בארץ המערב"“In regard to what you have mentioned about that man, the leader of <country-region w:st="on" />Yemen</country-region /> who decreed forced apostasy of the Jews, and compelled them in the places he had subdued to desert their religion and faith, just as the Berbers had obliged them to do in the <place w:st="on" />Maghreb</place />”3. Nahom’s translation reads:"אמנם מה שזכרת מדבר העומד1 בארץ תימן שגזר שמד על ישראל והכריח כל המקומות שיש לו יכולת עליהם לצאת מן הדת, כמו שעשה הכנעני2 בארצות המערב"“In regard to what you have mentioned about the leader of <country-region w:st="on" />Yemen</country-region /> who decreed forced apostasy of the Jews, and compelled all the Jewish inhabitants in all the places he had subdued to desert their religion, just as the Berbers had obliged them to do in the <place w:st="on" />Maghreb</place />” Generally speaking, the process of rendering the source text into the target language could be evaluated as being from like to the same. That is, all three translations resemble on one another and they also resemble the source text, the only exception being those underlined words provided by Ibn Tibbon and Ibn Hasdia for the purpose of clarification. Ibn Tibbon’s translation indicates that he had based his translation on a parallel category, or structural parallelism. That is, by juxtaposing the source text and the target text, the result would be that the target language had completely accepted both the style and the semantic of the source text. The translation of Ibn Hasdia however, seemed to be more explicit than the others. The added words appearing in his translation might have affected the structural parallelism between the two languages, but the parallel concept between the two texts was identically transformed. Hence, his translation still belongs to the category of literal translation. As for Nahom, his translation is a perfect example of the metaphrase method of translation. He kept structural parallelism as well as the parallel concept in his translation. Thus, it was recognizable in his translation that each element of the source text has its equivalent element in the target language. The overall conclusion drawn from analysis of this example could be applied to the entire work of all three translators. Since there was no culture transformation and the linguistic gap had been already reduced by the nature of the source text, all three translations were no more than a reflection of the message of the source text into the target language. The nature of the source text had limited the freedom of the translator; therefore he must be attached to the source text. Vinay<a title="" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn4" href="http://www.wataonline.net/site/modules/newbb/newtopic.php?forum=55#_ftn4" name="_ftnref4">[4]</a> discussed this issue in translation, according to him “in some translation tasks it may be possible to transport the source text language message element by element in to the target language, because it is based on either (i) parallel categories, in which case we can speak of structural parallelism, or (ii) on parallel concept, are the result of the metalinguistic parallelism.” Although the nature of the source text had demonstrated the norms of the target text, there were some irresistible external factors that affected the translators’ attitude toward some aspects in the source text, causing a shift in the content of their translation. These micro-level interlineal changes between the three translators are going to be the focus of my discussion for the rest of this paper. Even though borrowing is a common method in translation to introduce the flavor of the source language’s culture into the target culture the three translators in most cases tended to avoid borrowing from Arabic. However, there were some expressions in the source text that have no equivalence in the culture of the target language. In order to approach this problem, the translator had to decide whether to adopt those foreign expressions or to use a domestic alternative. The first option is called calque. According to Vinay, “A calque is a special kind of borrowing whereby a language borrowed an expression form of another, but then translates literally each of its elements. The result is either a lexical calque which respects the syntactic structure of the TL, whilst introducing a new mode of expression; or a structural calque, which introduces a new construction into the language.”<a title="" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn5" href="http://www.wataonline.net/site/modules/newbb/newtopic.php?forum=55#_ftn5" name="_ftnref5">[5]</a> The target language of all translators was Hebrew; therefore, their approach to the idioms and expressions appearing in the source text was dictated by their regional dialect. Consider the two major Hebrew vernaculars: Sephardic, the vernacular spoken by the Jews who lived in the Islamic territory, and the Ashkenazi, the vernacular spoken by the Jews who lived in Christian territory. It is doubtless that the translation of Ibn Hasdia and Nahom had been influenced by Arabic, whereas the translation of Ibn Tibbon had been influenced by the Ashkenazi vernacular used by his target audience. In the following example, “Amr and Zeid” is an Arabic expression used to indicate random names. Maimonides had used this expression to avoid mentioning specific names in his letter. In general, Sephardic Hebrew adopted many Arabic expressions and idioms. Because of this, Ibn Hasdia and Nahom retained the expression “Amr and Zeid” as it was already completely understood by their targeted Sephardic audiences. Ibn Tibbon on the other hand, substituted “Amr and Zeid” with its equivalent in the Ashkenazi vernacular. Instead of retaining “Amr and Zeid” he uses the Ashkenazi equivalent of “so and so” – “Ploni and Ploni.”The source text reads: “ואמא כוננא לא נצדק נבווה עמר וזיד"“And regarding our disbelief in the prophecies of Amr and Zeid”1. Ibn Tibbon "ואולם היותנו בלי מאמינים בנבואת פלוני ופלוני"“And regarding to our disbelief in the prophecies of so and so”2. Ibn-Hasdia "ואולם היותנו בלתי מאמינים בנובאת עמר וזיד"“And regarding to our disbelief in the prophecies of Amr and Zeid”3. Nahom "אבל שלא נאמין בנבואת זיד ועמר"“And regarding our disbelief in the prophecies of Zeid and Amr” Obscurity in the source text is a common obstacle that the translator could face during the process of his work. It could be caused by an internal factor, such as linguistics, or by an external factor, such as the social environment of the target audience. One of the legitimate ways to approach the obscurity of the target text is by adding words and expressions when the situation requires a clarification of an ambiguity in the original text. However, there are some external factors for which the situation requires the translator to obfuscate the meaning, while the nature of the source text aims for specificity. For instance, throughout The Epistle to Yemen, Maimonides had intended in a number of passages to obscure the meaning specifically, when the matter related to Islam. The reason behind such obscurity is that the author feared that his attack on Mohammed and Islam would place him and his family in danger should the Egyptian authorities learn the content of his letter. In contrast, Maimonides had requested that this letter be spread among the Jewish community in <place w:st="on" /><country-region w:st="on" />Yemen</country-region /></place /> and throughout the Jewish diaspora. The interesting fact in this case is how the translator approached this problem of intentional obscurity found in source text when the translator experienced circumstances of censure similar to those placed on the author of the original text.The example below will examine the approach of each translator to this issue:The source text reads:" וממא יגב אן תעלמה אן אלאסם אלדי תזעם אלישמעאלים אנה מכתוב פי אלתורה, אלתי יתעלק בה אלפושעים מן במאד מאד, ליס הו מים חית מים דאל, בל אנה אלף חית מים דאל."“And what is important to know that the name of the prophet that the Ishmaelite think is written in the Torah, bm’d m’d, to which the apostates cling, is not M-U-H-A-M M-E-D but A-H-M-E-D”1. Ibn Tibbon:" ומה שיש לך לדעת שזה השם שעלה בדעת הישמאעלים שהו כתוב בתורה שאחזו בו הפושעים, כלומר במאד מאד מחמד, אינו מחמד אלא אחמד."“It is important that you know that the name of the prophet that the Ishmaelites think is written in the Torah, bm’d m’d, to which the apostates cling, is not MUHAMMED but AHMED”2. Ibn Hasdia:"וממה שיאות שתדעו כי השם שיאמרו הישמאעלים שהוא כתוב בתורה, אשר יחזיקו בו הפושעים שהו במאד מאד, איננו מחמד הנכתב מ"ם חי"ת מ"ם דל"ת אבל הוא אחמד הנכתב אל"ף חי"ת מ"ם דל"ת"“And you should know that the name of the prophet that the Ishmaelites think is written in the Torah, bm’d m’d, to which the apostates cling, is not MUHMMED that is written M-U-H-M-M-E-D but AHMED which is written A-H-M-E-D.”3. Nahom:"וממה שראוי שתדעוהו, שהשם שחושבים הישמעאלים שהוא כתוב בתורה אשר נתלים הפושעים בו, והוא אמרו במאד מאד, אינו מ"ם חי"ת מ"ם דל"ת, אלא הוא אל"ף חי"ת מי"ם דל"ת."“And what is important for you to know that the name of the prophet that the Ishmaelites think is written in the Torah, bm’d m’d, to which the apostates cling, is not M-U-H-A-M M-E-D but A-H-M-E-D” In this example, the author is dealing with crucial situation. From a critical point of view, he wanted to debate the Muslim claim regarding mentioning the name of Mohammed in the Torah. Yet for safety reasons he did not want to mention the name of the prophet Mohammed in his letter. Thus, throughout his letter, Maimonides employed the Hebrew term משוגע “the madman” as referential nickname to the prophet Mohammed. Furthermore, when the name Mohammed was necessary to be mentioned, he wrote the letters of the word Mohammed in their proper order. The translators’ approach to this problem was essentially based on their political environment and on the geographical location of their target audience. For example, Ibn Tibbon whose target audience was a Jewish minority community living among a French Christian majority did not hesitate to make explicit what was implicit in the source text. On the other hand, Ibn Hasdia, whose target audience was a Jewish minority in <city w:st="on" /><place w:st="on" />Barcelona</place /></city /> living among Christian minority and Moslem majority, remained literal to the source text, and carefully mentioned the name of Mohammed. Nahom’s approach to this matter was different. He was in a difficult situation similar to that of Maimonides. They both lived in comparable environments where a Jewish minority was surrounded by an Orthodox Moslem majority. For that reason, whenever the source text had an attack on Islam, the translation of Nahom tended to be literal to the source text and in some cases further obscure the matter. The analysis of the previous example does not always hold true. The main factor in determining the disparity between clarity and obscurity of the translation was the social environment of the three translators. That is to say, by juxtaposing the translation of Ibn Tibbon and Nahom if the matter discussed in the source text was related to Christianity, the result will be explicitness for Nahom and obscurity for Ibn Tibbon whereas Ibn Hasdia adhered to a literal translation of the source text. The following example is the first appearance of Jesus in the source text. The author had explained explicitly, from Jewish perspective, who Jesus is and why is he not the true Messiah.The source text reads:" פאול מן עמד עלי הדא אלראי ישוע הנוצרי שחיק עצמות והו מן ישראל, ואנה ואן כאן אבוה גוי ואמה ישראלית פהו מן ישראל, לאן אלאצל ענדנא גוי ועבד הבא על בת ישראל הולד כשר. ואנמא נסמיה ממזר עלי גהת אלמבאלגה"The English translation would be read:“The first to institute this plan was Jesus the Nazarene, may his bones be ground to dust. He was Jewish because his mother was a Jewess although his father was a gentile, and our principle is that a child born of a Jewess and a gentile or a slave, is legitimate. Only figuratively do we call him an illegitimate child.” <a title="" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn6" href="http://www.wataonline.net/site/modules/newbb/newtopic.php?forum=55#_ftn6" name="_ftnref6">[6]</a>1. Ibn Tibbon:"ותחלת מי שמצא זה הדעת- היה יושע הנוצרי,... והוא מישראל. והוא אף-על-פי שהיה אביו גוי ואמו ישראלית- העיקר בדניו: גוי ועבד הבא על בת ישראל הולד כשר, ואולם נקראהו...להפליג בחרפתו."“The first to institute this plan was Jesus the Nazarene….. and he was a Jewish. Even though his father was a gentile and his mother was a Jewess, our principle is that a child born of a Jewess and a gentile or a slave, is legitimate. Only figuratively do we call him……”2-Ibn Hasdia:"והראשון שנכשל בעצה הזאת ישו הנוצרי, שחוק עצמות, והוא מישראל, ואם היה אביו גוי והאם ישראלית השרש אצלני הגוי ועבד הבא על בת ישראל הולד כשר, ואולם נקראהו ממזר על דרך ההפלגה."“The first who failed to institute this plan was Jesus the Nazarene, may his bones be ground to dust. He was a Jewish, even if his father was a gentile and his mother was a Jewess, our principle is that a child born of a Jewess and a gentile or a slave, is legitimate. Only figuratively do we call him an illegitimate child.”3. Nahom:"ותחלת השנכשלים בעצה זאת [ישוע הנצרי שחוק עצמות] והוא מישראל, ואע"פ שהיה אביו גוי והאם ישראלית מפי השמועה למדנו גוי ועבד הבא על בת ישראל הולד כשר, וזה נקרא אצלנו ממזר על דרך ההפלגה."“The first among the loser to this plan was [Jesus the Nazarene, may his bones be ground to dust]. He was a Jewish; Even though his mother was a Jewess and his father was a gentile, our principle is that a child born of a Jewess and a gentile or a slave, is legitimate. But we do call him an illegitimate child.” This example highlights the socio-political influence on translation. For instance, Ibn Tibbon’s translation attempted to reduce the asperity of the language of the source text to respect the dominant culture in his environment. Considering his neighboring audience, it is interesting to see the shift in his translation from being explicit to implicit when the source text was attacking Christianity. For instance, the phrases directed to Jesus {may his bones be ground to dust}, and {illegitimate child} had been completely deleted from his translation; in contrast, the other two translations appeared literal to the source text although Nahom parenthesized the expression “may his bones be ground to dust.” Toury discusses this attitude in translation. According to him, “adequacy of a translation to the source text becomes an unproductive line of enquiry, not only because shifts always occur, but because any determination of adequacy, even the identification of a source text and a translation, involves the application of a target norm.”<a title="" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn7" href="http://www.wataonline.net/site/modules/newbb/newtopic.php?forum=55#_ftn7" name="_ftnref7">[7]</a> In conclusion, the general observation of this study is that the nature of the source text was the dominant factor in determining the adequacy of the translation. The kinship between Arabic and Hebrew closed the linguistic gap for the translators. The appearance of Aramaic in the source text was not an obstacle for the three translators, since Aramaic was considered the legislative language for the main resources of the Jewish tradition in the post-Talmudic era. Therefore, the target audiences of the source text as well as those of the target text were acquainted with it. And finally, since there was no culture transformation between the two texts, the translators found themselves forced to literally transport the source language’s message into the target language. In fact, their function had been limited to only transposing the message from Judaio-Arabic into the Hebrew language. However, the appearance of micro-level issues in the source text caused the interlineal differences between the three translators, differences that were individual socio-political contexts. ----------------------------<a title="" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1" href="http://www.wataonline.net/site/modules/newbb/newtopic.php?forum=55#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1">[1]</a> Encyclopaedia Judaica v.14, p.112<div id="ftn2" style="mso-element: footnote" align="left"><a title="" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2" href="http://www.wataonline.net/site/modules/newbb/newtopic.php?forum=55#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2">[2]</a> Crisis and Leadership: Epistles of Maimonides. P.19</div><a title="" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn3" href="http://www.wataonline.net/site/modules/newbb/newtopic.php?forum=55#_ftnref3" name="_ftn3">[3]</a> The Jewish Encyclopedia V.6, P.248. <a title="" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn4" href="http://www.wataonline.net/site/modules/newbb/newtopic.php?forum=55#_ftnref4" name="_ftn4">[4]</a> Vinay and Darbelnet, The Translation Studies Reader. Venuti. P128. <a title="" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn5" href="http://www.wataonline.net/site/modules/newbb/newtopic.php?forum=55#_ftnref5" name="_ftn5">[5]</a> Vinay and Darbelnet, the Translation Studies Reader. Venuti. P129. <a title="" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn6" href="http://www.wataonline.net/site/modules/newbb/newtopic.php?forum=55#_ftnref6" name="_ftn6">[6]</a> Halkin, A. Crisis and Leadership: Epistles of Maimonides.P.

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07-21-2008, 08:01 AM

التأثير الديموغرافي والسياسي على المترجم والترجمة

عزيزي أبو سلام عنوان مهم وضروري أخذه بعين الاعتبار حبذا لو تضع بعض المعلومات التي تحب مشاركتنا بها عنك في صفحة معلوماتك <a href="http://www.wataonline.net/site/userinfo.php?uid=2917">http://www.wataonline.net/site/userinfo.php?uid=2917</a> ولا تنسى أن تضع في خانة التوقيع ما تحب مناداتك به وأهلا وسهلا
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Dr.Alghbban

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07-21-2008, 04:47 PM

_MD_RE: التأثير الديموغرافي والسياسي على المترجم والترجمة

اخي العزيز ابو صالح، شرفني جدا مروركم الكريم. وتقبلوا مودتي

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07-22-2008, 06:51 AM

التأثير الديموغرافي والسياسي على المترجم والترجمة

أظن النقاش والأمثلة التي وردت في الموضوع والموقع التالي يدخل من ضمن هذا الموضوع <a href="http://www.wataonline.net/site/modules/newbb/viewtopic.php?viewmode=flat&type=&topic_id =2388&forum=78">الإيحاءات الضمنية المسبقة للتعابير واللعبة النفسية</a> <a href="http://www.wataonline.net/site/modules/newbb/viewtopic.php?topic_id=2388&forum=78">http://www.wataonline.net/site/modules/newbb/viewtopic.php?topic_id=2388&forum=78</a>
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07-25-2008, 03:06 PM

_MD_RE: التأثير الديموغرافي والسياسي على المترجم والترجمة

اخي ابوصالح، تحياتي لكم.

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07-27-2008, 06:48 AM

التأثير الديموغرافي والسياسي على المترجم والترجمة
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