Daily News
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Amr Khalifa July 23, 2015
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Al-Sisi continues to issue an unabated set of laws, seemingly tailored to maximise his own personal power and that of his political ilk, and Egypt has not had a parliament in over two years. Couple that with grotesque patterns of torture and systematic rape against both sexes in Egypt’s prisons, and you begin to comprehend how deeply ingrained the dehumanisation powering the fascist machine is.
While such issues, endemic to many police states to varying degrees, are more common than many would believe, what is morally perturbing is the degree to which the majority are silent about the abuses. In some case, surely, fear of punishment plays a role and, in yet others, political fatigue and disinterest are paramount. But most confounding, as confirmed by this writer’s many experiences and tens of similar stories, accounts and experiences relayed throughout the past two years, the many applaud the Al-Sisi pathway, regardless of its well documented ethos.
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This is precisely what has transpired in Egypt. At first, the security forces’ brutality focused solely on Islamist foes, but increasingly, with the killing of Shaimaa el Sabbagh, the banning of 6 April, and the highly worrisome forced disappearances, the Al-Sisi regime is clearly coming for anyone who dares say no.
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</td> <td style="width:246.4pt;border-top:none;border-left: none;border-bottom:solid windowtext 1.0pt;border-right:solid windowtext 1.0pt; mso-border-top-alt:solid windowtext .5pt;mso-border-left-alt:solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-alt:solid windowtext .5pt;padding:0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt" width="226" valign="top">
</td> </tr> <tr style="mso-yfti-irow:12"> <td style="width:246.35pt;border:solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-top:none;mso-border-top-alt:solid windowtext .5pt;mso-border-alt:solid windowtext .5pt; padding:0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt" width="246" valign="top"> This current of anger, hate, and violence is nothing less than a mortal danger to the Egyptian state. It is not the simply the fault of the deep state or Al-Sisi. History has known many who have committed crimes, but to fall to such lows, those criminals must have partners. In millions of Egyptians, tragically, Al-Sisi has found such partners.
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<table class="MsoTableGrid" style="border-collapse:collapse;border:none;mso-border-alt:solid windowtext .5pt; mso-yfti-tbllook:1184;mso-padding-alt:0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt" cellspacing="0" cellpadding="0" border="1"> <tbody><tr style="mso-yfti-irow:0;mso-yfti-firstrow:yes"> <td style="width:246.35pt;border:solid windowtext 1.0pt; mso-border-alt:solid windowtext .5pt;padding:0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt" width="246" valign="top"> Fascism Incorporated: Our fault
Amr Khalifa July 23, 2015
</td> <td style="width:246.4pt;border:solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-left:none;mso-border-left-alt:solid windowtext .5pt;mso-border-alt: solid windowtext .5pt;padding:0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt" width="226" valign="top"> مترجم: الطريق إلى الفاشية
مترجم عن Fascism Incorporated: Our fault
منذ 23 ساعة، 2 أغسطس,2015
</td> </tr> <tr style="mso-yfti-irow:1"> <td style="width:246.35pt;border:solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-top:none;mso-border-top-alt:solid windowtext .5pt;mso-border-alt:solid windowtext .5pt; padding:0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt" width="246" valign="top"> When the blood of the other becomes a fathomable reality, fascism is born.</td> <td style="width:246.4pt;border-top:none;border-left: none;border-bottom:solid windowtext 1.0pt;border-right:solid windowtext 1.0pt; mso-border-top-alt:solid windowtext .5pt;mso-border-left-alt:solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-alt:solid windowtext .5pt;padding:0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt" width="226" valign="top">
عندما يتم إهدار دماء فصيل بعينه وتصمت الأغلبية فاعلم جيدًا أنك حتمًا في طريقك بالقطار السريع إلى الفاشية.
</td> </tr> <tr style="mso-yfti-irow:2"> <td style="width:246.35pt;border:solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-top:none;mso-border-top-alt:solid windowtext .5pt;mso-border-alt:solid windowtext .5pt; padding:0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt" width="246" valign="top"> I remember well standing among thousands in front of the UN, on 30 June 2013, as we screamed atop our lungs against one dictator, but little did we know we would help usher in a decidedly more bloodthirsty one. All it took was another seven weeks for the guillotine to separate hope from the Egyptian body politic. Only one thing is certain: it is our fault.</td> <td style="width:246.4pt;border-top:none;border-left: none;border-bottom:solid windowtext 1.0pt;border-right:solid windowtext 1.0pt; mso-border-top-alt:solid windowtext .5pt;mso-border-left-alt:solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-alt:solid windowtext .5pt;padding:0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt" width="226" valign="top">
جاء عبد الفتاح السيسي وذهبت مصر لطريق اللارجعة. في ظرف سبعة أسابيع فقط جاءت لتفصل رأس الأمل عن الجسد المصري.
</td> </tr> <tr style="mso-yfti-irow:3"> <td style="width:246.35pt;border:solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-top:none;mso-border-top-alt:solid windowtext .5pt;mso-border-alt:solid windowtext .5pt; padding:0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt" width="246" valign="top"> Five days after Morsi was ousted the first massacre, inevitably, followed: 54 killed and over 300 injured. The New York Times interestingly chose a highly accurate term, “rupture”, to describe the resultant state of discourse, and since then “rupture” has been Egypt. As massacres mounted, Egyptian media and most Egyptians seemed more interested in debating whether 3 July was a revolution or a coup. Lost in the bloody shuffle was most important of all: one group of Egyptians’ blood had, through massive amounts of propaganda, and quite abruptly, become expendable. The roadmap spoken of often at the time was nothing but a charade for a singular purpose: the political expunction of the Muslim Brotherhood. When Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi, the de facto leader of the military takeover, asked for and received thunderous support, on 26 July 2013, for “fighting terrorism”, the blood-letting and the birth of a very specifically Egyptian brand of fascism was born.</td> <td style="width:246.4pt;border-top:none;border-left: none;border-bottom:solid windowtext 1.0pt;border-right:solid windowtext 1.0pt; mso-border-top-alt:solid windowtext .5pt;mso-border-left-alt:solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-alt:solid windowtext .5pt;padding:0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt" width="226" valign="top">
وكانت المذبحة الأولى خمسة أيام فقط بعد ذهاب مرسي ومعها انطلقت السفينة إلى قناة احمرت مياهها في زمن قياسي. ٥٤ قتيلًا وأكثر من ٣٠٠ مصاب حسب ما نقلت النيويورك تايمز واصفة الوضع بالمتمزق. ولكن مع استمرار المجازر ظل اهتمام الشارع المصري والإعلام متعلقًا برفض تسمية الحدث باسم الانقلاب والتأكيد على فكرة الثورة. وسط ضباب المعركة حدث ما لا يمنطقه عقل ولا يبرره دين: حلل دم فصيل سياسي بأكمله من خلال حملة إعلامية لا يصح تلقيبها إلا ببروبجندا الهدف منها السيطرة التامة على الرأي العام. ثم جاء الحديث عن ما سمي بخارطة الطريق وسرعان ما كشر النظام عن أنياب هذه الخطة: إقصاء الإخوان سياسيًا وجسديًا من المشهد المصري. وفي يوم ٢٦ يوليو ٢٠١٣ عندما طلب السيسي تفويضه “لمحاربة الإرهاب” جاءت نقطة التحول وولد نوع خاص من الفاشية المصرية.
</td> </tr> <tr style="mso-yfti-irow:4"> <td style="width:246.35pt;border:solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-top:none;mso-border-top-alt:solid windowtext .5pt;mso-border-alt:solid windowtext .5pt; padding:0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt" width="246" valign="top"> In supporting Al-Sisi’s fight against a Muslim Brotherhood rule that was both dreadfully chaotic and lacking in executional vision, the Egyptian people had, unbeknownst to them, become Winston Churchill, circa 1927, supporting Mussolini. Just like Churchill had backed the wrong horse when he said: “If I had been an Italian I am sure that I should have been with you… against the bestial appetites and passions of Leninism,” the Egyptian people, for the most part, offered unwavering support for Al-Sisi, even as the blood flowed. Shortly after that first massacre on 8July 2013, another even more “ferocious attack” followed on 27 July 2013, and the toll was a staggering 72 dead, at least. Having had great success with its campaign to paint the Muslim Brotherhood as terrorists, what should have been termed national disaster, and given many pause, was instead welcomed with open, justifying arms.</td> <td style="width:246.4pt;border-top:none;border-left: none;border-bottom:solid windowtext 1.0pt;border-right:solid windowtext 1.0pt; mso-border-top-alt:solid windowtext .5pt;mso-border-left-alt:solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-alt:solid windowtext .5pt;padding:0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt" width="226" valign="top">
بالوقوف خلف السيسي كرر المصريون خطأ ونستن شرشل التاريخي عندما أيد الحصان الخاسر موسيليني في ١٩٢٧. “لو كنت إيطاليًا لوقفت بجانبكم أمام الآمال الوحشية اللينانية”. وكما أخطأت شعوب أخرى قبله وقف “نور عيني” السيسي خلفه رغم تدفق نهر دامٍ. وفي ٢٧ يوليو قتل ٧٢ مصريًا في مذبحة جديدة في هجوم ضارٍ كما أكدت النيويورك تايمز. في ظل نجاح الحملة الإعلامية الشرسة، بدلًا من صراخ ونقد حاد بعد مقتل عدد مؤلم من الإسلاميين المصريين قابل الشعب المجازر بالأحضان وجاء ما جاء.
</td> </tr> <tr style="mso-yfti-irow:5"> <td style="width:246.35pt;border:solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-top:none;mso-border-top-alt:solid windowtext .5pt;mso-border-alt:solid windowtext .5pt; padding:0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt" width="246" valign="top"> By the time 14 August 2013 rolled around, and the Rabaa massacre that killed nearly 1,000 Islamists, the seemingly binary operations and discourse rampant throughout Egypt was, in fact, a more complex multi-institutional maze. The very process by which fascism is born is not a sudden hammer’s blow to the head, but rather a silent poison, which gradually seeps into societal waters. Arguably, it was a process that began during the Morsi tenure, with its birthplace in the exclusionary rhetoric of a leader who made most Egyptians feel like strangers in their own land, unless they belonged to his political flank. By the time the baton was snatched by Al-Sisi, things would take shape in a way no nation should desire.</td> <td style="width:246.4pt;border-top:none;border-left: none;border-bottom:solid windowtext 1.0pt;border-right:solid windowtext 1.0pt; mso-border-top-alt:solid windowtext .5pt;mso-border-left-alt:solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-alt:solid windowtext .5pt;padding:0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt" width="226" valign="top">
مع انفجار العنف في ١٤ أغسطس ٢٠١٣ سطعت شمس جهنم على القاهرة وكانت نقطة التحول الحاسمة في تاريخ مصر المعاصر. قتل ما يقرب من ١٠٠٠ في أكبر مجزرة عرفتها مصر في تاريخها الحديث. ولكن ما اعتقد المحللون أنه صراع بين طرفين كان أشد تعقيدًا وكان في الواقع مسرح الأيدي الخفية. في حقيقة الأمر ميلاد الفاشية لا يأتي بين يوم وليلة وهو قد بدأ في عصر مرسي الذي فشل فشلًا ذريعًا في إعطاء كل المعسكرات انطباع أنه رئيسهم. مع تصلب شرايين الحكم، مع مجيء السيسي، جاء الصوت الواحد الذي يناصره بالتأييد المباشر أو بالصمت من الغالبية العظمى من المصريين: صوت بنادق العسكر والداخلية.
</td> </tr> <tr style="mso-yfti-irow:6"> <td style="width:246.35pt;border:solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-top:none;mso-border-top-alt:solid windowtext .5pt;mso-border-alt:solid windowtext .5pt; padding:0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt" width="246" valign="top"> To the naked eye, it appeared that Al-Sisi ruled the roost, but, in political reality, it is multiple crucial players who rule along his side. The Deep State was, in fact, the real big brother at the helm, including, but not limited to: the General Intelligence, the Ministry of Interior, Military Intelligence, Central Security Forces, topped off by a carefully selected circle of ministerial and personal intimates of Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi. It is this very specific mélange of overlapping interests that chose the Al-Sisi brand to execute a security based roadmap, which has brought Egypt to the edge of a fascist cliff. It is this same deep state that, throughout both the Sadat and the Mubarak tenures, dealt with the Muslim Brotherhood not as political partners but rather as a potentially disruptive element that should, for the most part, be behind their prison bars. More crucially, to this monolith headed by a ‘my way or the highway’ strongman, the key was turning back the clock on any progressive aspirations brought about by the 25 January Revolution. What better way to send a thundering message to the 25 January revolutionaries than to obliterate, both physically and politically, the Islamist opposition?</td> <td style="width:246.4pt;border-top:none;border-left: none;border-bottom:solid windowtext 1.0pt;border-right:solid windowtext 1.0pt; mso-border-top-alt:solid windowtext .5pt;mso-border-left-alt:solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-alt:solid windowtext .5pt;padding:0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt" width="226" valign="top">
للعين المجردة كان الحاكم السيسي ولكن الواقع السياسي كان ولا يزال يتسيده معسكرات عديدة هي طوب بناء الدولة العميقة. الدولة العميقة كما سبق ولقبها الروائي العظيم جورج أرويل “الأخ الأكبر” لا وجود لها إنما توجد المخابرات العامة، المخابرات العسكرية، وزارة الداخلية، أمن الدولة ودائرة وزارية مقربة من الرئيس، وجود هذه الكوادر بالتحديد قريبًا من مقعد الحكم يلعب دورًا حيويًا في رؤيته للإخوان نظرًا لتعاملهم مع الإخوان سابقًا كجماعة أسفل الأرض سياسيًا و”إرهابيين” خلف القضبان. على صعيد آخر تلقين درس للإخوان كان بمثابة ضرب عصفورين بحجر كتوصيل رسالة لمعسكر ٢٥ يناير الثوري وإرجاع الساعة لما قبل ٢٥ يناير.
</td> </tr> <tr style="mso-yfti-irow:7"> <td style="width:246.35pt;border:solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-top:none;mso-border-top-alt:solid windowtext .5pt;mso-border-alt:solid windowtext .5pt; padding:0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt" width="246" valign="top"> But with the arrogance that governs it, such a mindset is its own worst enemy. Effectively, the plan was twofold: roll back any gains made by 25 January and decimate the organisational structure of the Brotherhood via a massive thumping that would see leadership and tens of thousands of members and sympathisers dead, jailed, or on the run. The plethora of problems this brought, and still brings, to the table is why, in the medium term, the stability of Egypt is under threat. This threat is not only due to terrorism, that such authoritarian steps have brought, but equally so the general acquiescent silence or alternately loud public support of state crimes. With the government delivering multiple massacres, each larger than any committed by any post-1952 Egyptian regime, but also wrapping a vice grip around an estimated 45,000+ political prisoners, Egypt has left the banal realm of dictatorship behind, and is aiming for something significantly more horrific.</td> <td style="width:246.4pt;border-top:none;border-left: none;border-bottom:solid windowtext 1.0pt;border-right:solid windowtext 1.0pt; mso-border-top-alt:solid windowtext .5pt;mso-border-left-alt:solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-alt:solid windowtext .5pt;padding:0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt" width="226" valign="top">
لكن الثقة المبالغ فيها هي عدوة النظام وقد بدأ السحر في الانقلاب على الساحر. على المستوي العملي، خطة الثورة المضادة، وباختصار، هي تدمير الهيكل النظامي لجماعة الإخوان من خلال استخدام القتل، الاعتقال، والنظام القضائي مع القضاء على أية مكاسب، مهما كانت ضئيلة، للثورة. ولكن القمع والظلم يولدان العنف الذي يزداد يومًا بعد يوم في ظل حل أمني فاشل. وهذا الوضع في غياب برلمان وحلول سياسية واقتصادية يضع مصر على حافة جبل من القلقلة الأمنية والسياسية. في ظل سيطرة السيسي على المشهد المصري وحفنة من المجازر كل منها يعد الأكبر في تاريخ مصر منذ ١٩٥٢ وقبضة حديدية على ما يفوق ٤٥٠٠٠ سجين سياسي، طبقًا لمعظم الإحصائيات، مصر ليست دكتاتورية فحسب ولكنها في طريقها إلى شيء أفظع
</td> </tr> <tr style="mso-yfti-irow:8"> <td style="width:246.35pt;border:solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-top:none;mso-border-top-alt:solid windowtext .5pt;mso-border-alt:solid windowtext .5pt; padding:0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt" width="246" valign="top"> Though, as recently as eight weeks ago, Al-Sisi spoke of having a parliament by the end of 2015, there are two stark realities: Al-Sisi continues to issue an unabated set of laws, seemingly tailored to maximise his own personal power and that of his political ilk, and Egypt has not had a parliament in over two years. Couple that with grotesque patterns of torture and systematic rape against both sexes in Egypt’s prisons, and you begin to comprehend how deeply ingrained the dehumanisation powering the fascist machine is.
While such issues, endemic to many police states to varying degrees, are more common than many would believe, what is morally perturbing is the degree to which the majority are silent about the abuses. In some case, surely, fear of punishment plays a role and, in yet others, political fatigue and disinterest are paramount. But most confounding, as confirmed by this writer’s many experiences and tens of similar stories, accounts and experiences relayed throughout the past two years, the many applaud the Al-Sisi pathway, regardless of its well documented ethos.
</td> <td style="width:246.4pt;border-top:none;border-left: none;border-bottom:solid windowtext 1.0pt;border-right:solid windowtext 1.0pt; mso-border-top-alt:solid windowtext .5pt;mso-border-left-alt:solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-alt:solid windowtext .5pt;padding:0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt" width="226" valign="top">
رغم إعرابه عن رغبته، منذ ٨ أسابيع، في انتخاب برلمان جديد مع مجيء العام الجديد هناك جزئيتين تناقضان هذا الموقف المعلن:
مع مرور كل يوم يصدر السيسي قوانين ولوائح تفيد فقط حكمه الأوتوقراطي ومعسكره ومع انتهاء هذا الشهر تكون مصر دون برلمان لمدة عامين مع الانتباه لقانون جديد أصدره السيسي هذا الأسبوع يمكنه من حل أي برلمان جديد دون الاحتياج للمحكمة الدستورية. ضع هذه النقاط على حروف مسرح أمني يتضمن استخدام الاغتصاب بطريقة ممنهجة ضد المعتقلين السياسيين من الرجال والنساء وتصبح اللوحه الفاشية شبه كاملة.
</td> </tr> <tr style="mso-yfti-irow:9"> <td style="width:246.35pt;border:solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-top:none;mso-border-top-alt:solid windowtext .5pt;mso-border-alt:solid windowtext .5pt; padding:0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt" width="246" valign="top"> Disturbingly, the “they came first for…”mind-set, made famous by a pastor named Martin Niemoller, who was vocal against Hitler, seems to have been stowed away in history’s shoebox. You would be hard-pressed to find many in the Egyptian zeitgeist who uttered the phrase signifying that while the regime may not be hunting for you now, it is your very silence that guarantees your day, too, will come. This is precisely what has transpired in Egypt. At first, the security forces’ brutality focused solely on Islamist foes, but increasingly, with the killing of Shaimaa el Sabbagh, the banning of 6 April, and the highly worrisome forced disappearances, the Al-Sisi regime is clearly coming for anyone who dares say no.
</td> <td style="width:246.4pt;border-top:none;border-left: none;border-bottom:solid windowtext 1.0pt;border-right:solid windowtext 1.0pt; mso-border-top-alt:solid windowtext .5pt;mso-border-left-alt:solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-alt:solid windowtext .5pt;padding:0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt" width="226" valign="top">
وقد يكون الأمر الأخطر هنا هو استمرار الغالبية العظمى من الشعب في الوقوف خلف هذا المسلك الفاشي أيًا كان نمط التعبير: بالصمت، التجاهل أو التصفيق الحاد. لن تضطر أن تبحث كثيرًا وستجد نفسك أمام مذبحة مصغرة في مدينة ٦ أكتوبر، يوم واحد بعد هجوم ضارٍ على القوات المسلحة في سيناء يوم ١ يوليو عندما – طبقًا للرواية غير الحكومية – تم تصفية ٩ من كوادر الجماعة دون أي نقد حاد في المنافذ الإعلامية. ولكن ما ستجده وبكثرة هو تخوين أي صوت مناهض للحكم لدرجة أن التخوين يأتي في أحيان عديدة من أسر المعارضين أنفسهم.
وهذا هو وضع مصر، في البداية كان الهجوم فقط على الإسلاميين ولكن مع السكوت المدوي اقتنصوا شيماء الصباغ، سجنوا علاء عبد الفتاح، ودمروا براءة يارا سلام وجرموا ٦ أبريل. كل يوم يأتي بجريمة جديدة مثل الاختفاء القسري وفصل أي طالب يجرؤ أن يمارس أبسط حقوقه: حق التظاهر في حماية الحرم الجامعي.
</td> </tr> <tr style="mso-yfti-irow:10"> <td style="width:246.35pt;border:solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-top:none;mso-border-top-alt:solid windowtext .5pt;mso-border-alt:solid windowtext .5pt; padding:0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt" width="246" valign="top"> While there are indications that Al-Sisi has begun to lose some support in the media, as well as within his support base, two recent events paint a bleak picture that the violent tank of fascism marches unimpeded over basic rights. Shortly after Eid Al-Fitr prayers, six days ago, witnesses say a peaceful Islamist demonstration was attacked, according to multiple accounts, by police live fire. Six protestors were killed on the Muslim holy day, yet total silence, for the most part, ruled social media, the Egyptian press and the first day of Eid Al-Fitr, while bloody, was absent of any denouncement. During that same holiday, a much smaller incident reflected that law of the jungle and violence had become law of the land. A female police officer was recorded on video punching, berating, slapping and electrocuting a sexual harassment suspect. Even the British Daily Mirror called the police colonel “thuggish”.</td> <td style="width:246.4pt;border-top:none;border-left: none;border-bottom:solid windowtext 1.0pt;border-right:solid windowtext 1.0pt; mso-border-top-alt:solid windowtext .5pt;mso-border-left-alt:solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-alt:solid windowtext .5pt;padding:0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt" width="226" valign="top">
وإن كانت هناك مؤشرات لتدني المؤازرة لعبد الفتاح السيسي فإنه لو تم افتتاح القناة بالتوفيق، بمشيئة الله، فإنه حتمًا سيستمر هذا النجاح السياسي في حقن المجتمع بمزيد من العسكرية والعنف المقنن. العيد بدلًا من أن يأتي بالفرحة وضحك الأطفال في شوارع مصر جاء بدماء المصريين تسيل مرة أخرى وبعد صلاة العيد مباشرة عندما قتلت الداخلية ٧ في ضواحي الجيزة. وشهد اليوم الثاني موقفًا قد يظهر ضئيلًا ولكنه معبر عن قانون الغابة الذي يتسيد الشأن المصري: يقبض بعض المواطنين على متحرش ويتم تسليمه لشرطية مصرية وما كان بها إلا أن تنهال عليه بوابل من الشتائم، الصفع، اللكم والصعق بالكهرباء. في مصر السيسي القانون يختفي عند الحاجة والشرطة – في أغلب الأحيان – لا تحاسب لأنها الذراع الذي يبطش به النظام.
</td> </tr> <tr style="mso-yfti-irow:11"> <td style="width:246.35pt;border:solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-top:none;mso-border-top-alt:solid windowtext .5pt;mso-border-alt:solid windowtext .5pt; padding:0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt" width="246" valign="top"> In the final days of Morsi’s tenure a group of villagers murdered four Shi’a followersin broad daylight. To many analysts (including this one), there was a link between the sectarian rhetoric of the president and that deplorable crime. It is no less troubling to see how the Al-Sisi regime has created an environment where the “other” has become a facile and vulnerable target. No less tragically, Egyptians, in large numbers, are playing along either with silence or with loud clapping.</td> <td style="width:246.4pt;border-top:none;border-left: none;border-bottom:solid windowtext 1.0pt;border-right:solid windowtext 1.0pt; mso-border-top-alt:solid windowtext .5pt;mso-border-left-alt:solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-alt:solid windowtext .5pt;padding:0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt" width="226" valign="top">
</td> </tr> <tr style="mso-yfti-irow:12"> <td style="width:246.35pt;border:solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-top:none;mso-border-top-alt:solid windowtext .5pt;mso-border-alt:solid windowtext .5pt; padding:0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt" width="246" valign="top"> This current of anger, hate, and violence is nothing less than a mortal danger to the Egyptian state. It is not the simply the fault of the deep state or Al-Sisi. History has known many who have committed crimes, but to fall to such lows, those criminals must have partners. In millions of Egyptians, tragically, Al-Sisi has found such partners.
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هذه الموجة من الغضب، الكراهية والعنف لا تقل عن خطر وجودي على الدولة المصرية. الخطأ ليس خطأ السيسي أو الدولة العميقة فحسب، الخطأ خطأنا. التاريخ عرف أنظمة أجرمت من قبل ولكن لكي تتوحل أقدام الشعوب بالفاشية لا بد أن يكونوا شركاء في الجريمة. لقد وجد السيسي في الشعب المصري شريكًا نشطًا بصمته، بتطبيله وبتجاهله.
</td> </tr> <tr style="mso-yfti-irow:13;mso-yfti-lastrow:yes"> <td style="width:246.35pt;border:solid windowtext 1.0pt; border-top:none;mso-border-top-alt:solid windowtext .5pt;mso-border-alt:solid windowtext .5pt; padding:0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt" width="246" valign="top"> If this car isn’t stopped, Syria and Iraq will look like child’s play by comparison.</td> <td style="width:246.4pt;border-top:none;border-left: none;border-bottom:solid windowtext 1.0pt;border-right:solid windowtext 1.0pt; mso-border-top-alt:solid windowtext .5pt;mso-border-left-alt:solid windowtext .5pt; mso-border-alt:solid windowtext .5pt;padding:0cm 5.4pt 0cm 5.4pt" width="226" valign="top">
لو لم يتوقف القطار المصري فستصبح كل من العراق وسوريا نزهة بالمقارنة.
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